By Maurice Meisner
While MAO'S CHINA first seemed in 1977, it was once hailed because the unmarried most precious normal quantity on fresh chinese language historical past, masking each vital query of the time with readability and outstanding perception. Now, Meisner brings the 3rd variation of his definitive paintings, with new info supplied during the vintage learn. together with an entire new part partly Six, 'Deng Xiaoping and the Origins of chinese language Capitalism: 1976-1998', Meisner assesses the country's uneasy courting with democracy, socialism and capitalism. keeping the attractiveness, lucidity and comprehensiveness he's identified for, Meisner strikes a ways past his earlier paintings to color a never-before-seen portrait of the political and social realities of China near to the recent Millennium, and the worldwide implications of its upward push to financial and political power.
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Additional info for Mao's China and After: A History of the People's Republic (3rd Edition)
The Communists were to recognize the Guomindang as the leader of the bourgeois or "national" revolution and they were to join that party as individual members in a united front. The alliance was formally consummated in January 1924. To the Guomindang at Guangzhou there flowed Soviet arms, money, and military and political advisers- for the purpose of building a modern army that eventually would move northward to unify the country. To the Communists, Moscow offered moral encouragement and political advice.
China's "bourgeois-democratic" revolution, in short, was to achieve no more than purely nationalist goals. A successful nationalist revolution was, of course, desperately needed. The 1911 Revolution had done little more than remove the anachronistic monarch)~ Its political result was neither a strong state nor a democratic one, but rather increased political chaos and fragmentation in the dark age of warlordism that came in its wake. It left undisturbed the web of imperialist political and economic impingements that had made China so dependent on the foreign powers, just as it left untouched the existing internal social structure and especially traditional rural socioeconomic relationships and gentry-landlord dominance in the countryside.
Furthermore, it assumed that a bourgeois revolution permits some degree of freedom for the political activities of other social classes, especially the growing proletariat, and that it abolishes the remaining feudal relationships that shackle the peasantry, thus hastening the growth of capitalism in the countryside. In its specifically Leninist form, a bourgeois-democratic revolution in Asia and the Middle East came to include a nationalist revolution to throw. off the foreign imperialist yoke.