By Bob Sehlinger, Len Testa, Seth Kubersky
Hotels, points of interest, and eating places in all expense categories
Evaluations in line with reader surveys and critiques—compiled through independent inspectors
Detailed, two-color maps
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Ultimately, Boeing generated far fewer ancillary economic beneﬁts than projected in the rosy, never-released analysis justifying the public subsidies. Another Chicago corporate giant, Arthur Andersen, had prepared the analysis not long before that one-time symbol of Chicago’s strength in business services folded in the aftermath of the Enron debacle (McCourt, Leroy, and Mattera 2003; Reed 2003). Economic Restructuring The city’s roster of corporate headquarters remained mixed, despite optimistic projections that Boeing heralded the beginning of a new era.
5 billion was invested. 2 billion was invested during 1985–86 in 148 new, adaptive reuse, or renovation projects in the expanding downtown area that Ludgin and Masotti dubbed the “Super Loop” (demarcated by North and Cermak Avenues to the north and south, Racine Avenue at the western boundary, and the lakefront to the east). In this two-year period, the intensity of investment in the Loop exceeded even the previous six years (Ludgin and Masotti 1986). Much of the investment in the adaptive reuse and rehabilitation of existing buildings was facilitated by the federal Economic Recovery Act of 1981 (speciﬁcally, the tax code incentives for building rehab, which were subsequently rescinded), providing generous tax credits for construction costs incurred in the rehabilita- tion of many older buildings: 25 percent for buildings on the National Register of Historic Places, 20 percent for nonlandmark buildings over 30 years old.
I would like to thank Sandra Jackson and Larry Bennett, who read various drafts of the paper and provided critical comments and suggestions. David Moberg 3 Economic Restructuring: Chicago’s Precarious Balance AFTER SPURRING CITIES across the coun- try into a bidding war for its favors, Boeing Corporation announced, in March 2001, that it was moving its corporate headquarters from its long-time Seattle home to downtown Chicago. Although $56 million in public subsidies brought only 450 jobs, Chicago political and business leaders celebrated the capture of the nation’s leading exporter and iconic global corporation as proof of the city’s intrinsic attractions as a world corporate center (McCourt, Leroy, and Mattera 2003; Reed 2003).